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Burn the Temple: An Analysis of Casteism as Racism

Burn the Temple: An Analysis of Casteism as Racism

Naamveer Singh

2021

genealogy of caste, genealogy of religion, genealogy of race, race as caste, racism as casteism

Abstract

This paper presents the variables of Race and Caste to be genealogically similar based upon concurrent notions of hierarchy of class regarding socio-economic control upon select communities using endogamy-exogamy (in the control of the “genetical purity” through sexist/patriarchal kleptocracy) via the ontological values of purity. It has been demonstrably shown that the origins of both categories of race/caste are based upon essential differences (imagined or real) which act as transhistorical categories, each with their respective prescriptions and imperatives. This directly ascribes racism as casteism, not based upon the appropriateness of categories (directly) but much so rather in the material of consistence, in the actual substance of each so called categorial of human non-human (species non-species) demarcation. It has been pointedly shown that the deduction based upon the 2001 U.N Convention on Racism, in that Racism does not equate to Casteism is false, due to both Race and Caste as being semotactical terms for the same demographic, the demographics to be controlled, repressed, and capitalized.

They want us to write. In blood. And only write. Of peace. They capture our land. Make us sow rice that is not seed. Kill us. Rape. They tell us we are ungrateful. Like children – who do not see what is good for them. Holding us with many kinds of guns; they grimace at the world calling our blood on their faces- – vermillion.
Ather Zia

We built a temple for God to come in and reside, but before the god could be installed, if the devil had taken possession of it, what else could we do except destroy the temple? We did not intend that it should be occupied by the Asuras. We intended it to be occupied by the Devas. That’s the reason I said I would rather like to burn it[1]
B.R. Ambedkar

How came it that English supremacy was established in India?… A Country not only divided between Mohammedan and Hindoo, but between tribe and tribe, between caste and caste; a society whose framework was based on a sort of equilibrium, resulting from a general repulsion and constitutional exclusiveness between all its members. Such a country and such a society, were they not the predestined prey of conquest?
Karl Marx

The oligarchy that owns organized industry owns and rules England, France, Germany, America, and Heaven. And it fastens this ownership by the Color Line. (..) and thus again in 1925, as in 1899, I seem to see the problem of the Twentieth Century as the Problem of the Color Line[2].
W.E.B Dubois
--
Dalit disenfranchisement, a process which spans millennium and nations. A disenfranchisement which has been suffered through by my forefathers, my foremothers; a disenfranchisement sure to be felt by my children. To state the ancientness of this process is pure irony; where-as it continues to kill, rape, maim, destroy, burn, loot, every single day. The notions of caste have been well documented, the attributes of it ascribe it as an ancient ordering of karma, one intrinsically linking the cosmological to the material ramification of ontology; while many believe it a bygone piece of history, a relic, a categorization long extinct, one is astounded to find, rather the inverse, the Dalit remains uneducated, unemployed, still left on the fringe of society, and officially labeled as a Broken People[3]. The Dalits remain waiting for emancipation, a call to help, unheard by the world. The thesis is formulated to showcase the contemporary calamitous, and barbarous space where the Untouchable remains unable to touch, human-rights; the primary focus of this dissertation being the countering of the results from the UN Durban Conference on Racism (2001) and what it would take to make caste matter under a Racist (Racial) context. The thesis progresses through the linear genealogical typographies of race, religion, and caste to show the common variables in each is the notion of class. The purpose of this thesis is to showcase that class dynamics is the common denominator which should be addressed, in elimination of racism and casteism.

Chapter 1
Literature Review

Ambedkar and Gandhi- The Writer of the Constitution and the “Father” of India:
Contemporary Origins of the Debate Upon the Elimination of Caste
We must initiate this conversation with that of the very writer of the constitution of India, the first untouchable Doctor, the very first to reach above the casual dharma told to us by the brahmin, we are talking of the late Dr. Ambedkar. The quote by Ambedkar and the title of this doctrine being one and the same, we must burn the temple down.

The story begins befittingly as Ambedkar titles his manuscript as An Annihilation of Caste, whereas Gandhi’s is in the inverse in A Vindication of Caste. The understanding from each such conscriptions of thought on these matters being found in the respective titles themselves; Ambedkar’s prescription of Indian society comes from the control of the Brahmin, stating,
The priestly class must be brought under control by some such legislation as I have outlined above. This will prevent it from doing mischief and from misguiding people. It will democratize it by throwing it open to everyone. It will certainly help to kill Brahminism and will also help to kill caste, which is nothing but Brahminism incarnate. Brahminism is the poison which has spoiled Hinduism. You will succeed in saving Hinduism if you will kill Brahminism. There should be no opposition to this reform from any quarter. It should be welcomed even by the Arya Samajists, because this is merely an application of their own doctrine of guna-karma.[4]

Dr. Ambedkar’s prescription upon the eradication of caste from Indian[5] society references the implementation of (a) constitutional guarantee of rights enacted in (securing) human rights for the whole of the populace, particularly the Dalits. The issue with this, however, resides in the legal-institutional implementation and enactment of such rights; Ambedkar neglects the power of the socio-cultural to overwhelm his own created constitutional implementation of democracy, a force so strong, it caused Ambedkar to resign from the Ministry.

India is known today as the world’s largest democracy, alas, it should be better known as the world’s largest farce of such a concept. When the Prime Minister of India destroys a Mosque to build a Temple[6], he does so as a Brahmin priest and not as a secular leader of a free people. The political has long been but a confessional system. In this space, Gandhi’s approach becomes the dominant strand[7] in understanding the power of the culture in Indian politics. Gandhi takes his perverted stances upon the greatness of the Hindu-Brahmin and even (in) the very existence of an “Indian society”; be it one which existed pre-colonial, pre-Mughal, pre-Aryans, or even, pre-Dravidic. Gandhi’s stance is aghast with contradictory categorical hierarchies of race, as seen in his advocation for a separation of (racial) categories in the argument that “the Brown Race” being seen as closer to the purity of ‘white’ than the barbarity of the black[8]. Even so, one rather pointed statement made by Gandhi on the matter is that,
Independence must begin at the bottom. Thus, every village will be a republic or a panchayat having full powers. It follows, therefore, that every village has to be self-sustained and capable of managing its affairs even to the extent of defending itself against the whole world…In this structure composed of innumerable villages there will be ever-widening, never-ascending circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom. But it will be an oceanic circle whose center will be the individual always ready to perish for the village. Therefore, the outmost circumference will not wield power to crush the inner circle but will give strength to all within and derive its own strength from it.[9]
The most important section of this statement being the necessity for change to originate at the bottom; a paradigm of which when imagined or implemented requires that the individual be the responsible party for the assertion of their rights. Albeit a great statement but taken in with the combination of the next, Gandhi becomes a jumble of messes. Let us quote such a passage,
Caste is another name for control. Caste puts a limit on enjoyment. Caste does not allow a person to transgress caste limits in pursuit of his enjoyment. That is the meaning of such caste restrictions as inter-dining and inter-marriage…These being my views I am opposed to all those who are out to destroy the caste system.[10]

India is a country which only has known to follow those of whiter skin, a country unbeknownst to their own history of greatness[11], of political thought, a people of such vivid epistemology; a country which will never be, a secular country until Casteism is considered Racism.

Durban Poison
A Loss for the Dalits Which Became their Greatest Victory-
Groundworks for the 2001 U.N Conference on Racism in Durban, South Africa

Caste has only recently been on the forefront of academic discussion, principally it was the failure of its inclusion and then its subsequent exemption from the UN Development Goal of Anti-Racism which sparked such a debate, if caste is not race, then what is it? It was the notions of Andre Beteille which were to be cemented in the doctrine, to the advantage of the oppressors and the kleptocracy of the Brahmin race. If one can begin such a quote by Mr. Beteille (a sociologist),
The metaphor of race is a dangerous weapon whether it is used for asserting white supremacy or for making demands on behalf of the disadvantaged groups…Treating caste as a form of race is politically mischievous; what is worse, it is scientifically nonsensical’[12].
Scientifically nonsensical, is the notion of an attempt of a governing body to bring accountability to the worlds oldest form of segregation, by not labeling it as a segregation. One is behooved to ask, if science cannot bring an answer via a logistical paradigm of categorical prescription, then there should be no use for that social science as a tool/application of governess. The mundanity of labeling one (retractive) category against another is pure semantics; and has no use in the identification of the evils in racism-casteism, and especially not, in the science of its rectification.

With the official stance being that casteism is not racism, and in taking such a stance, one can effectively state that the Brahminic plague has now infected the United Nations. However, the beauty of the Durban conference relies not in the results which was produced (of which like most U.N proclamations ring loud but are hollow notes of from the lip-service of the oligarchs) but lies instead in the initiation of the global conversation of what then is caste discrimination.

Origins of the Post-Modern Debate –
The Durban Debacle: Victory of the Colonial Anthropologist

The very issue of including caste discrimination at the conference was raised by the ‘National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights’ upon the presentation of caste discrimination (in Durban) as that as being equitable to the evils of racial discrimination[13]. This is not a contemporary debate in the earnest, as W.E.B Dubois and Ambedkar had a conversation linking the notion of Race and Caste, stating “a Brahmin is to an untouchable what the master is to the slave”[14]. Beyond ironical is that the Durban Conference produced a solution which would make Gandhi proud, as he himself crafted a solution to the 1895 Durban Post Office problem, by having a separate (third) entrance for Indians, as they were neither white nor black, and he quotes “so that the Indians did not need to use the same entrance as the Kaffirs”[15].
History is fickle, a bitch, and often repetitive, so it was no surprise when the official Indian delegation objected the inclusion of casteism as racism, stating that their “position reflects the anti-colonial attempt to define race as being irrelevant to India[16]; a rather convenient statement for a country segregated and divided by not only genetics, but of religion, and phenotypical appearance. One should ask the Indian delegation how the economics of Fair and Lovely are doing, a skin whitening product of which is a flourishing industry in India worth billions[17]. From the very onset of the ‘Aryan’, the notions of geographic segregation, and the typologies of cultural-ontological hierarchies were developed some millennium before[18]. The geographical-moral hierarchy was cemented independently from that of Pliney the Elders; nonetheless, of eerie similarity to the Hellenistic, the Aryans were not to go further than the Vindhya Steppe as to not mix their purity of blood [19] (the topic of geographic-race-religion-morality typography being explored further in the paper).

Durban was pointedly chosen, as its own version of segregation and racial disenfranchisement in the horrendous apartheid (and the work of the late Sir Nelson Mandela) to remedy such a dastard situation is well-known throughout the world; beyond the concept of irony is that at that place, the International Convention for Elimination of Race, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, a Dalit[20] was not included in such classification.

Let us begin but a cursory analysis upon the segregations of the Dalit, a generic word literally denoting all peoples who are “marginalized and exploited”[21]. A “hidden apartheid”[22] is the term used by Professor Visvanthan in the definitions of such phenomenon; a well-articulated notion, as it remains purposefully hidden. The Dalit remains in the shadows, still not allowed to cross the pale.

The debate from Durban became about mere definitions rather than the actual segregation faced by the Dalit. André Bételle brought about a challenge to the merging of the concept of racial discrimination as caste discrimination and scored a resounding victory for Hindustan (or as Dr. Ambedkar would state, ‘Brahmin-stan’). As such, caste was then subsequently excluded from the very conference the notion of disenfranchisement was to be discussed in totality. The sad reality was that the official result of the conference was that “caste may not be race”[23], with the official stance taken by the government of India from its Ministry of Foreign Affairs as
India has made it clear that scheduled castes and scheduled tribes do not come under the purview of Article 1 of CERD as the term ‘descent’ in the Convention specifically relates to ‘racial descent’ whereas caste is not based on race[24]
In taken such a stance, India not only cemented its genetic segregation as being that of a non-racist variety but caused scientific categorization and the appropriateness of such (categories) to become the primary focus of the conference. India dropped any pretense of being a secular country with democratic values, the death of emancipatory discourse to the notion on confining semantical terms.

Conclusion of the Base Literature Review:
A Victory of Semantics Over the Suffering of Humans
As one can readily identify, in the process of creating the distinction between casteism as being a separate phenomenon then that of racism, there was in effect a lacuna created. The very conclusion from the conference being “that maybe Race is not Caste”[25] bluntly put, is an answer which a primary school student would find rather un-complete; let alone learned scholars and experts who have studied at such elite institutions (of which were created to ensure such an environment for the Indian). As my mother and her mother before her would say, dal may kala hay (there is something wrong in the lentils). The necessity to understand the result of this conference, and more importunately to answer what caste is and what the remedy for such a disease, is yet to be understood. This topic, the progress of India as a secular nation, what it would take for caste to matter, for it to be understood as a tool of economic-social, cosmological segregation and disenfranchisement; for casteism to be understood as racism, will be explored in the totality, within the confines of this dissertation.

Chapter 2
Genealogy – Race as Class Character:
A Prescription to the Barbarian, The Other, via Moral Classifications of Pseudo-biology

Blackness was invented for the white (socio-economic) supremacy. Race was invented for class dominance and economic suppression. Before we begin to unfold the discussion on such matters, we first must understand via an exploration into (what) the genealogy of typography of Racism is, and more importantly what then makes a race as a signifier of class-character. An encompassing definition (of Racism) is stated aptly by Professor Benjamin Isaac, in which he describes Racism as,
Attitude towards individuals and groups of peoples which posits a direct and linear connection between physical and mental qualities. It therefore attributes to those individuals and groups of people’s collective traits, physical, mental and moral, which are constant and unalterable by human will, because they are caused by hereditary factors or external influences, such as climate or geography. The implication is that the essential features of body and mind come from outside and are not the result of genetic evolution, social environment, or conscious choice…Entire nations are believed to have common characteristics determined wholly by factors outside themselves, which are, by implication, stable and unchangeable. The presumed characteristics are then subject to value judgements, in which foreigners are usually rejected as being inferior to the observer[26].

This enclosed nature of race as having set characteristics/ biological determinism is a key point which will come to use later in the cross comparison on the processes of the Racial (demarcation) as being equated to the process of Caste (demarcation). A key point from this understanding is the negation of agency from the individual, in such that the individual has cease to become an individual who is able to change charter, as the character comes from outside the agent in question. Added to this definition is the notion of tying character to class, and with that done, the subject-relations (the hierarchy) of race are established.
This concept is seen originating from the Greco-Roman imagery, particularly from the time of the Greeks. Detailed from Pliney the Elder, the individual has been extrapolated upwards, to give character to the whole of one’s society. Stated in book 4 of the Socratic dialogues,
Can we possibly refuse to admit that there exist in each of us the same generic parts and characteristics as are found in the state? For I presume the state has not received them from any other source. It would be ridiculous to imagine that the presence of the spirited element in cities is not to be traced to individuals, wherever this character is imputed to the people, as it is to the natives of Thrace, and Scythia, and generally speaking, of the northern countries; or the love of knowledge, which would be chiefly attributed to our own country; or the love of riches, which people would especially connect with the Phoenicians and the Egyptians[27].
From this vivid imagery we can see the genealogy of Race-Character being developed into the foundations of western (Greco-Roman) thought; a school of thought which pillars itself as the foundation for the European-centric view of the world and its peoples. The most important aspect of this statement resides in its all-encompassing nature, of giving character to every individual to and from the society (race) at large to which one belongs to. This phenomenon is labeled as such that “collective characteristics of groups of people are permanently determined by climate and geography”[28]. The permanence, and the disavowal of variation within the collective groupings are again, to be useful later in the analysis of the cross-over of Racism as Casteism; added to this factor is the notion of a permeance of category, one which is transhistorical and without conversion (again the lack of individual agency or choice/capacity on such categories); there is no method of transferring from one caste to another, but again, this will be detailed within its very own chapter.
Why washest thou the man of Inde? Why takest thou such pain?
Black night thou mayest as soon make bright Thou labourest all in vain. . . .
Indurate heart of heretics Much blacker than the mole;
With word or writ who seeks to purge, Stark dead he blows the coal[29]
Heretics are we because of the word of Christ was above our understanding, the gods of the whites were out of comprehension due to our feeble spirit, or our lack of morality; conscripted to such a permanent unsalvageable and heinous nature, of being born as a colored, a sub-species un-kin to the European. At this part of the story, we now bring religion into discussion, as it ties together the notion of morality and class character, of racial categories which then prescript physiological/socioeconomic subservience. When physical characteristics-phenotypical appearance are such that racial difference becomes harder and harder to differentiate, we see the development of religion as race. In a twist of faith, tying religion as a racial-species characteristic, one which is genetic versus individual choice or even conversion, is a process of demarcation which endures past the religious choice, and into the very capacity of such a person as a rational actor. As stated by King of England, Charles V,
Who can deny that in the descendants of the Jews there persists and endures the evil inclination of their ancient ingratitude and lack of understanding, just as in Negroes [there persists] the inseparability of their blackness. For if the latter should unite themselves a thousand times with white women, the children are born with the dark colour of the father. Similarly, it is not enough for a Jew to be three parts aristocratic or Old Christian for one family-line alone defiles and corrupts him.[30]

These sorts of typographies of racist thought would lead the British to develop this ‘scientific process’ into to the notion of Social Darwinism[31], of a genetic “Aryan” superiority in all faculties of their supposed superior nature. In a greater twist of faith, it was again not the individual agency of conversion that that mattered, but rather purity of blood, blue blood “sangre azul” to be exact. Blue blood is the direct link between race and class; claimed by aristocratic families who claimed to have never intermarried between Moors or Jews, and “hence had fair skins thought which their blue blood could be seen”[32]. A befitting conclusion to bring an end to this chapter whose sole aim was to equate the origins of racial categorization as a process of demarcation denoting race as class-character. Blue blood now denotes wealth rather than race, but “rests on the connections between the two”. This completes the connection between racial and class comparisons through the tracing of the typology of Racism. The next chapter will be dedicated to the understanding of how the function of caste is a class-based oppression, ones whose origins lies not in biological understanding, but rather profession, in a direct comparison to Racial Capital[33].

Chapter 3
Genealogy of Caste as Class-Profession: The Basis of Subject-Relations of Indian Cosmological Prescription of Human-Being

The superposition of endogamy on exogamy means the creation of caste[34]
The only work that was allowed for us (by the higher-castes) was the making of leather goods from the carcasses of dead-animals. We smelled like blood, disease, and death; to be synonymous with our caste, the people who smell like shit[35].

The cementing of caste as class is well descripted by its genealogy, not only found in the contemporary, it is much better understood from its very commencement as a systemic categorization of laborers. As Ambedkar famously said, caste disenfranchisement is not just a division of labor, but is a division of laborers. This chapter is dedicated to the presentation of the genealogy of caste as a form of economic/class utility from its origins as a profession specific to the Karma of the respective class, to the transference of the process in becoming a “biological” phenomenon. Further importance will be given to the trans-historical nature of the processing to enclose the class permanently, one which takes away the agency of every individual found trapped within the clutches of the Brahmin[36]. The objective of this chapter is to layout the foundation of caste as an enclosed category of economic production, one which is a pseudo-biological prescript of epistemological origins. The importance of its economic variables will come into importance in chapters 6-7, in which we bring together the genealogies of both casteism and racism to create forth a basis of comparison of both variables.

Origins of Caste as a Profession

The dharma lies within the respective lifecycle of every presence of soul, it the work that must be undertaken to transfer onto the next lifetime, one which is supposedly of a higher nature, in another lane of another cycle. Another term of this could include the notion of sati, of burning alive the body to create forth the trans-migration of a soul, albeit this practice, usually involved the burning of a pious widow alive, to further aid the control of the Brahmin on not only the rest of society but to the control of women as well[37],
The dharma is work (required for) in a chain-reaction to Karma[38], with a direct connection to caste as an economically (enclosed) unit of production; the production becomes the source of alleviation for the current state of being, in a sense, it becomes the only way out. Spoken in euro-centric views, it becomes the Max Weberian notion of a Will to Power, one which is not possible within the respective timeline of the individual but much so rather in the next; be it the next lifetime, the next cycle, the next varna or the next stage of wherever the soul goes after this.
The notion of caste-as an economic means of production is not a revolutionary concept, all one needs to study is Gupta (1980) or Meillassoux (1973) to gain a masterful understanding of such (caste being equated to class);
This supposed homology between caste and class is spurious, not simply because caste is class and class is class, or for that matter caste is not race nor identical with feudal estates—an elucidation which Dumont repeatedly makes-but because Dumont’s understanding of hierarchy is critically faulted in his application of the term caste system, and by his application of the term to the caste system, and his by repeated assertion that the principle of the encompassment can be extended from the sphere of the true hierarchy to the caste system as well…it is well to mention that our primary purpose here is to demonstrate that castes’ cannot be looked at in terms of hierarchies but in terms of discrete categories of classes[39].
Spoken in another manner this notion is that of collective (economic) bargaining, with Subedi commenting on this phenomenon that,
Caste is an identity to negotiate power and resources. It operates as a symbol of collective identity and a basis for collective bargaining of limited resources and represent in various organizations and administrative institutions. The caste system eroded at the ritual level but emerged at the political and economic levels in India and Nepal[40].

This union-like membership in order to coordinate work in terms of collective whole, is an appeal to the corporation in the capitalistic model all-be-it that this phenomenon be one which pre-dates capitalistic means of production[41]; to take a side-step for a moment, one is rather amazed to see how caste has outlasted history itself, 1947 is when Hindustan was returned back to the Hindus, and yet somehow the unity of caste has held through millenniums. A hypothesis being that it has now been indoctrinated with religion, with duty, with prescription, through the very scripts of religious dogma, as is seen within the Vedas.

Vedas

Our study of the genesis of the genesis of caste would be very much facilitated, for we have only to determine what was the class that first made itself into a caste, for class and caste so to say, are next door neighbors, and it is only a span that separates the two. A Caste is an Enclosed Class. The study of the origin of caste must furnish us with an answer to the question—what is the class that raised this enclosure around itself? The question may seem too inquisitorial, but it is pertinent and an answer to this will serve us to elucidate the mystery of the growth and development of castes all over India. Unfortunately, a direct answer to this question is not within my power. I can answer this question only indirectly. I said just above that the customs in question were current in the Hindu society. To be true to facts it is necessary to qualify the statement, as it connotes universality of their prevalence. These customs in all their strictness are obtainable only in one caste, namely the Brahmins, who occupy the highest place in the social hierarchy of the Hindu society… it needs no argument to prove what class is the father of the institution of caste[42]
Older than creation itself or as the Brahmanical cannon states in the Rig Veda (10:90) that the gods created it by sacrificing the primal Purusha. His mouth “became Brahmin, his arms Kshatriyas, his thighs, Vaishyas, and his feet became Shudras”[43]. Being not only the sole creation story, in the Sathpatha Brahmana, Prajapati, uttered “Bluh and created Earth and Brahmins. He said Bluvah and air and Kshatriyas were born. He muttered Svaha and the sky and Vaishyas came into being”[44].
In an equation with the four elements, one can see the stark similarities to that of Greek metals, in such a certain individual is imbedded with an essence which is based upon a universal merit (ontologically). This notion is tantamount to the suffering of the Dalit, due to the deserving nature of such subjection. This notion of merit is to come into importance in chapter 6, as, as one cannot separate the suffering from those who deserve to suffer (based upon a universal notion of merit). There is no basis of humanity in which suffering extends to those whom we do not deem fit to suffer. Spoken in another manner, the suffered must be de facto, a deserving of suffering. There must be a moral clause (or imperative) to not allow untouchable women to not cover their breasts, there must be a reason for the rape of Dalit women every day, or the burning of 2 Dalit homes every hour[45]. There must be some reason that 2 Dalits are assaulted hourly or as to why 2 Dalit caste members deserved to be murdered[46] per hour. Being born Dalit, is to be ordained to suffering.

Chapter 4
Genealogy of Religion as Race

Why is there such a thought on formation of caste as class, or that race is class, or that class is class, while this project is supposed to show that racism is casteism? Well, to put it bluntly, it is for the basis of comparison to be set on values which compromise that caste and race are but one and the same. Spoken via a logical paradigm of flow, albeit not the kind of the Great Spinoza, if R=Cl and C=Cl, then that would make R=C; the very formula this dissertation wishes to utilize and prove. At this point we have gone over the notions that race and caste are both (a genealogical) birth of class; the time has come to cross-compare another factor into the equation, religion as race (as class). Spoken rather plainly, this chapter is dedicated to how the European could not allow the homogeneity of religion to encompass another race. To lay out the basis for the base comparison (of this thesis) that casteism equals racism, we have explained to detail the underlying components of the two and having added the normative claims of morality; we have ascertained an epistemological layer to the very typology itself.

To start this chapter let us understand what instead this document is focused on banishing; the anthesis to this document is found in the words of scholars such as Andre Bettille, whose rather narrow-minded and enforced static definitions are reliant upon theorems (of those) which were codified in the colonial setting of imperial administration. One quote (from Professor Bettile) which comes as a stark contrast to the spirit of this document is his formulation of thought to the notion of a biological race (in such that there exists a biological difference in human and that the biological difference is permanent) stating that
Anthropologists had established conclusively . . . the distinction between race which is a biological category with physical markers and social groupings based on language, religion, nationality, style of life or status … If discrimination against disadvantaged castes can be defined as a form of racial discrimination . . . Muslims and other religious minorities will claim that they too, and not just backward castes, are victims of racial discrimination.”
But they are, victims of Racial discrimination, alas, had Mr. Bettille paid more attention to the genealogy of such typographies upon the equating of race as religion, and had he seen the numerous research which exists in showcasing the connection between the variables of race, caste, class and religion , he would not rest well making such an erroneous statement regarding such matters, al-be-it sociologists have a habit of confining terms, let us begin this antithesis. The above stated quote services no purpose but to confine the terms of race, class, and religion as that of being a separate concoction; a separate process, processes that are definitive and have separate genealogies; alas they don’t.

The Kaffirs of Africa constitute a race solely based upon (their) non-recognition of Islam. The Spanish inquisition was done as to ascertain the true believers of Christianity vs that of the “heretical” Muslims or Jews. As the Professor Ania Loomba states (whose work has been tantamount to the presentation of this humble dissertation).
Faith and color is reinforced in many medieval and early modern texts-both literary and nonliterary- that convey the difficult of converting unbelievers by drawing upon the image of an “Ethiope,”” Man of Inde,” or “blackmoore” who cannot be washed white. Thus, black skin is fixed as permanent by comparing it to the “indurate heart of heretics,” but the comparison in turn anchors the heart of the unbeliever as also unchangeable.”
Professor Loomba continues to quote England’s earliest emblem book, Thomas Palmer’s Two Hundred Poosees, but this paper has already quoted the passage of two white men trying to wash to the man of inde; (albeit the responsibility of England in such matters is for the next chapter). The typoscript of religion as being synonymous with that of Race, or color, or even that of class is detailed by the British whom invented such a typography, with Queen Elizabeth I of England stating to her countrymen
to expel the great numbers of Negroes and blackamoores from her realm, even authorizing a slave trader to take possession of them, calling them infidels having no understanding of Christ or his Gospel who had “crept into her realm from Spain[47].
Ironically, she should have studied her ancestry, as the King of England during the times of the Moorish Reign of Spain pleaded with the Sultan of Andalusia to accept his daughters into the “most advanced and intellectual kingdom in Europe”[48], alas this is not a story of British hypocrisy, this is rather the story of religion’s genealogy as a biological entity. The formulation of religion as racism, is detailed by Brock Bahler (Department of Religious Studies at the University of Pittsburg), cementing the matter he begins that,
The concept of a hierarchy of human races was developed throughout the long sixteenth century by white Christian Europeans who then used it to justify the enslavement of Africans and their colonialist endeavors against the indigenous peoples of the Americas. This concept was preceded by (among many events) the papal bull Dum Diversas (1452), which granted divine authority to Spain and Portugal to capture Africans and subject them to lifetime servitude; by the forced conversion or expulsion of Jews and Muslims in Spain and Portugal; by Columbus’s declaration that the inhabitants of Hispaniola were a “people without religion” and subsequent enslavement and torture of the Taino people (1493); and by the Valldolid trial (1552), which debated whether people of color were barbarians that could be “civilized” by Christian conversion, or worse, people without souls irreparably damned.[49]
In short, colonization was not possible, nor justified, unless the people subject to such a horrendous state were not deemed as sub-human, as people without religion, nor the capacity for such. This finishes the cross-over of religions ontological class layering (genealogically).

Chapter 5
The British: Conquering of Physical via the Metaphysical

I had intended pointing out that there is a very wide revolt against classification of occupational castes; that these castes’ have been largely manufactured and always entirely preserved as separate castes by the British government. Our land records and official documents have added iron bonds to the old rigidity of caste… we pigeonholed everyone by caste and if we could not find a true case for them, labelled them with the name of an hereditary occupation. We deplore the caste system and its effects on social and economic problems, but we are largely responsible for the system are deplore. Left to themselves such castes as Sonar and Lohar would rapidly disappear… Government’s passion for labels and pigeon-holes has led to a crystallization of the caste system[50].

This brief-chapter will be dedicated to giving a detail to just one phenomenon at behest of / a consequence too the British occupation of the Indian sub-continent; of the death of the living law into a language of command to better aid the colonization of over the multitudes of culture which compromised the sub-continent of South Asia. Such examples of this conscription could be known as the Laws of the Gentoos, the Laws of Manu, or even the vast array of work of the by the so-called Orientalist. The objective being to give credence to the codification of culture into distinct and novel categories to be better understood by the colonizer, a culture based upon linguistical convention was codified into paper.

It is without a doubt that we must entertain such a chapter, in the canon of Race, of slavery, of downright heinous and despicable acts, a paper would be incomplete without the mention of the British. A great understanding of the genealogy of colonization would be found in the writings of Professor Bernard Cohn, albeit this paper being tired of genealogies, and being that the genealogy of British colonization rightfully taking an Encyclopedic trove of research. Let us quote the analyses of Professor Cohn, stating,
In coming to India, they unknowingly and unwittingly invaded and conquered not only a territory but an epistemological space as well. The facts of this space did not exactly correspond to those of the invaders. Nevertheless, the British believed they could explore and conquer this space through translation: establishing correspondence could make the unknown and strange knowable[51].

This notion of the British encapsulation of not only physical facts such as the typical survey and census a system of administration responsible for many of the “post-modern” problems of identity, resources, culture, etc. but also of an epistemological colonization, a colonization of the fluidity of spirituality to create concrete/impenetrable barriers of cosmologic/metaphysical capacities, or much rather, the limits to such of which did not concretely exist before. Even such notions the impregnation of the Nation-State model into India could be explained as a force emanating from the Crown, as such
officializing of authority took control by defining and classifying space, making separation between public and private spheres; by recording transactions such as the sale of property; replacing religious institutions as the registrar of births, marriages, and deaths; and by standardizing languages and scripts. The state licensed some activities as legitimate and supressed others as immoral or unlawful[52]
Here was the power of culture codified and a sense, suppressed. The “taxonomic” categorisation better aided the British in the administration of a vast array of cultures, and in turning civil law as specific to the faction to one which belonged to, such as having a set “law” for the Hindu and a Set law for the Muslims created (in sense a confessional system). This cemented the power of certain groups such as the Brahmin, who co-wrote such translations to their British masters. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak comments on this phenomenon, stating,
A version of history was gradually established in which the Brahmans were shown to have the same intentions as (thus providing the legitimation for) the codifying British: ‘In order to preserve Hindu Society intact (the) successors [of the original Brahmans] had to reduce everything to writing and make them more and more rigid. And that is what has preserved Hindu society in spite of a succession of political upheavals and foreign invasions[53]

One can state that the Indian state has only gotten not more secular but rather, it has gotten more Hindu, albeit this paper not wilfully engaging the concept of Hindustan, or rightfully so, Brahmin-stan, but much so rather the purpose of this chapter has been fulfilled via a depiction of but one simple occurrence of the British occupation, and that being of British codification of epistemology into something a bit more manageable, something more known, facts of which correspond to integers that the British were able to place within their system of administration. The control being as symbolical as is material, a Indian student in London had this to say in 1862,
It was painful to see the State chair of gold of late lion of the Punjab…with a mere pictures upon it, shawls without babes, musical instruments without a Hindu player, jezails and swords without sipahis and sowars, and above all hookahs without the fume of fantastic shapes.[54]

Chapter 6- The Theory of Transhistorical Essential Difference of Pseudo-Biology

When a Negro talks of Marx, the first reaction is always the same: “We have brought you up to our level and now you turn against your benefactors. Ingrates! Obviously, nothing can be expected of you.” And then too there is the bludgeon argument of the plantation-owner in Africa: Our enemy is the teacher. What I am asserting is that the European has a fixed. Concept of the Negro, and there is nothing more exasperating then to be asked: “How long have you been in France? You speak French so well.”
Frantz Fanon

Up until this point, we have discussed the genealogies of Race, Religion, and Caste to show the hierarchical categorization which has constricted social-economic mobility in a comparative sense to the variables found within each respective phenomena; the time has come for us to approach the theoretical connection between the three respective categories of trans-historical conscription and more importantly, the prescription of their respected categorical imperatives. This chapter will be dedicated to presenting the processing of such categories (of Race, Caste, Class) to contain a (pseudo) biological prescription, one which is trans-historical or presumed to be as such.

Not a revolutionary mode of thought, as is deduced by Mr. Balibar in Racism as Universal,
What racism, nationalism, sexism seem to have in common is that they are all categories which from an intentional or an extensional viewpoint divide the universality of the human species into exclusive transhistorical groups which are supposed to be separated by essential differences, or to become self-conscious and act as if they were separated by essential differences. We must add: such essential differences are always explicitly or tacitly understood and institutionalized as hierarchical differences.[55]
As is shown by Balibar, the thesis’s cross-comparison of genealogy is rightfully done via the typology of in the understanding of institutionalized hierarchical difference, as is stated by the deduction that in such that essential differences must always be explicitly understood as institutionalized essential differences. This process of demarcation continually denotes a certain “genetic predisposition” or pseudo biological propensities of which even in the artificial, one is subjugated in the real, in the very material presence of starvation or eviction. The exploration of this thesis has been to show how a phenom can be deduced from ontological prescription to allow for the rape, pillage, and control of billions of human-beings; the notion of whom be so deserving of this suffering comes from hierarchical class dynamics, it comes from the notion of which species of humans are not humans nor the material/physical entitlements which are imperatives to humanity, hence the need for “our” category of human vs “theirs”, or as deduced by Balibar that,
because we are different, and that tautologically, because difference is the universal essence of what we are; not singular, individual difference, something which seems to be almost unthinkable, but collective differences, made of analogies and ultimately of similarities. The core of this mode of thought might very well be this common logic: differences among men are differences among sets of similar individuals, which, for this reason, can be identified [56].

The difference of individuals as groups vs the difference of individuals as individuals brings together the most ancient of racial concepts as was identified by the genealogies of Race, that being of the regional prescription/ extrapolation of/to the national characteristics from the set individual (as was undertaken from the descriptions of the Greek philosophers on regional prescriptions of human species). The beauty of the contemporary current of racist thought extending from this notion of kinship is that it extends to the notion of blood as class, the sangre azul, of a purity of breed based upon the ontological prescription of moral claims to genetics, an ordering of the cosmos via claims of a universality. Sex and the control of sex as class controls appears from the facet of societal control of blood lineage, in such that the women must also be put underneath the dominant male species, and endogamy/exogamy dictate the so called species of human, and the allowances to each category of such. The leads to the degrees of human purity, with white being the primal force, the zenith, the very force of light that gives the prism the full colours, the possessor upon the full capacity of purity.

It then becomes less and less important of the actual scientific nature of such a taxonomy, an actual difference of biology; a biology is in a sense created to befit the ruling class, be it the white, or the Brahmin, as Dubois and Ambedkar conversated
[t]here is so much similarity between the position of the Untouchables in India and of the position of the Negroes in America that the study of the latter is not only natural but necessary.[57]
With Dubois adding,
the Negro problem in America today are simply signs of a deeper national problem … that problem is the spirit of caste that is arising in a land which was founded on the bedrock of eternal opposition to class privileges.[58]
The cross-comparisons of Race and Caste are one and the same, they are both created categories of which to enact/administer economic/sociological control. The rather important understanding to be under-taken is that in the non-impermanence of the process of demarcation being based on imaginary variables (in such that they are scientifically nonsensical)
Ethnicity in this sense- if it ever existed in a pure way-was progressively destroyed: the process is still ongoing with local differences, but it is everywhere well advanced. But all modern nations have to some significant extent succeeded in creating a fictitious ethnicity [59].
The notion of fictitious ethnicities is what has been explored in this work; the notion of imagined difference of essential categories, the work of this paper was to show not the direct correlation between Race and Caste, but much so rather that the variables of each, are one and the same. Racism is Casteism is based upon imagined biological variables made to act as if they are trans-historical categorical (imperatives) which are then imprinted upon the (blood- genetical) lineage as if it was ordained by God to be infused into the very chromosomes themselves.

The variables that make up race, make up caste, and it does not matter the term of race is not synonymous with caste, it is the very discrimination of the genetical ordering which equates the two. If racial discrimination is defined in the U.N convention as
any distinction, exclusion, restriction, or preference based on race, color, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment, or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life [60].
The equation of racial discrimination with that of colour, descent, and nationality are statements which can be argued forevermore by academics in the appropriateness of categories; arguments upon the sciences of semantics, as was done at the 2001 Convention on Racial Discrimination by many sociologists and anthropologist, but it does not change the base detriment of the categories in question to (not) be based upon class dynamics. It is solely through the viewership of these categories of distinction through a classist lens, one which prays upon the ontological, which arises forth the monstrosity of racism and casteism; two heads of the same coin.

It is due to these facets that what one calls Race is forever evolving, changing as the culture itself changes. The Semitic typography is contemporarily associated with Judaism but refers to a region containing a plethora of religions including that of Islam and Christianity. The Aryans, denote not just a “race’, but a class, as Arya denotes nobility in terms of wealth; or spoken in another sense, race has been associated with class from its very genealogy, as is caste as is arisen from its profession-based prescriptions. The morphology of Race or Caste do not operate in the biological, but is rather imagined to be as such, it does not matter still, as the notion itself is more poisonous than the very scientific appropriateness of such notion (of Racism-Casteism as distinct and separate categories). It will not matter that the colour of the untouchable is not dark anymore, or that in about a millennium there will be no visible distinction between any member of the human-race due to the removal of phenotypical characteristics; never-mind the fact the fact the people who occupied Palestine are closely related to those of “Jewish decent”, very well becoming expelled by their own cousins, all done due to imagined essential difference of race/caste. Race is essential to caste, and caste to race, as one is the same, it the subservience of a category of human to be beneath another.

Chapter 7 – Conclusion
Racism as Casteism: Based Upon Class Dynamics

To bring conclusion to this thesis, it has been genealogical shown through the tracing of the genealogical quotient of race and caste that they are but one and the same and are based upon variables which are one and the same, that being the notion of class suppression and economic controls based upon ontological claims of universality. Through the lineage of race (Raza) originating in the Iberian Peninsula and from the genesis of Roman-Greek thought, we have added layers of moral claims to the notion of geography; through the genealogical process of religion, we have ascertained the blood/sex control of society based upon presumed purity of faiths, in such that the Christian was forever to be white, or a more contemporary rendition upon these phenomena, that Jesus himself was white. This notion has not gotten away from society, if anything it has only evolved being racism without race, or casteism without caste, as the presumed biological essential differences have gotten less able to be distinguished (the phenotypical).
The result of this thesis is nothing new, that discrimination of Race and Caste are based upon the (so-called) purity of the categorization of human, but this paper has cemented the cross-variables of an ontological-class, that the variable of race is that of caste. The Brahmin and the White are both slave-owners, (so-called) masters of the universe, the divine drop, albeit, with just different names. As such, Racism is in-fact Casteism reincarnated.

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[1] Cited by Mr. Suraj Yendge in Caste Matters (Penguin Viking, 2019), p 76
[2] DuBois, Worlds of Color (1925)
[3] Literal translation of the word Dalit
[4] Ambedkar et al., Annihilation of caste: the annotated critical edition 2016. 23.4, p 130,
[5] In such that modern India being a creation of both the English and the Mohammedans. With the name of Hindu itself from the Arabic notion of Al-Hind.
[6] Frayer & Pathak, At Site of Razed Mosque, India’s Modi Lays Foundation for Controversial Hindu Temple 2020
[7] In capturing the backwardness of Caste Prescription within a cultural-cosmological paradigm rather than the political as seen in Ambedkar’s analysis.
[8] Cited via Mr. Arundhati Roy in Ambedkar, Gandhi and the Battle Against Caste, The Doctor, and the Saint (2014)
[9] ibid
[10]ibid
[11] As one of the foundations of collective humanity.
[12] Berg, Sovereignties, the World Conference against Racism 2001 and the Formation of a Dalit Human Rights Campaign (2007)
[13] ibid
[14] See reference 1, p. 21
[15] See page, 22/74 with Arundhati Roy on Ambedkar et al., Annihilation of caste: the annotated critical edition 2016)
[16] See 12
[17] Of which only recently changed their named due to pressure from the Black Lives Matters Protest (regarding Racism), and not from the Dalits (regarding casteism)
[18] India, The Rig Veda (1988)
[19] Mountain Range near about the South of Delhi, see Dwivedi et al., How upper castes invented a Hindu majority (2020)
[20] Marathi world derived from Sanskrit which means a broken people, see Reference 14
[21] Visvanthan, The Race for Caste: Prolegomena to the Durban Conference (2001)
[22] ibid
[23] See reference 12. pp. 6
[24] Ibid, pp., 10
[25] ibid
[26] Benjamin Isaac in World Archaeology, Mar., 2006, Vol. 38, No. 1, Race, Racism and Archaeology (Mar., 2006), pp. 32-47.
[27] Plato et al., The Republic (2013)
[28] See Ref 26
[29] Cited by Ania Loomba, Race and the possibilities of comparative critique 2009) pp. 505
[30] Ibid
[31] See works of 19th century British Scholars on the notion of Aryan/ Social Darwinism. “Social Darwinism” (Encyclopædia Britannica) <https://www.britannica.com/topic/social-Darwinism&gt; accessed July 20, 2021
[32] See reference 29
[33] Being that this paper not be one to discuss various economic systems in a Capitalist-Marxist lens, such as Frantz (Fanon et al., 1967) or Cedric (Robinson et al., 2019), it is still useful to understand the class groupings as being economic in nature, groupings which are trans-historically to be used and abused by the Aristocracy.
[34] B.R Ambedkar, Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development in Indian Antiquary. Vol XLI, (1917)
[35] Words my mother spoke
[36] Again, in reference to employment/career, the Brahmin are the only allowed peoples to become priests of Hinduism. With no allowance for women, or any other lower caste. “Brahman” (Encyclopedia Britannica) <https://www.britannica.com/topic/Brahman-caste&gt; accessed June 1, 2021
[37] In a rather stark similarity to the notions of Bio-Politick as considered by Foucault. In the control of “blood” via politics and regulation. Balibar will be used in chapter 6 to discern the combination of Race and Caste as but ‘imaginative’ boundaries of pseudo-bio typography. The topic of biopolitics being explored in chapter 6 as well, upon the notion of control of bloodlines via a patriarchy. See Deleuze & Hand (2016)
[38] One should look upon Caste Politics in India Since Independence: A Study of Rajasthan by Brij Kishore Sharma to detail the genealogy of the word; detailed in another manner, Karma becomes not what your destiny is to endure / suffer, but rather it is the inverse, it becomes the work required to finish this respective lifetime. Spoken through a positive lens vs that of a negative.
[39] Gupta, Dipankar. “Continuous Hierarchies and Discrete Castes.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 19, no. 46, 1984, pp. 1955–1958. JSTOR
[40] Subedi M, “Caste in SOUTH Asia: From RITUAL Hierarchy to Politics of Difference” (2021) 13 Politeja 319
[41] See Gupta (reference 39) or Meillassoux & Meillassoux, Une étape dans L’INDUSTRIE roubaisienne (1868-1918). L’ASSOCIATION MOTTE et MEILLASSOUX (1868-1918) 1969)
[42] B.R Ambedkar, Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development in Indian Antiquary. Vol XLI, (1917)
[43] See reference 18
[44] Barman, Abheek, in A Look at How and When India’s Caste System Emerged, in Economic Times – Times of India, (2016)
[45] See Reference 1 Yengde, S Caste Matters
[46] ibid
[47] See reference 29 Loomba, p. 507
[48] Cited in Malkawi, Fall of capitalism: And rise of Islam (2010)
[49] Bhaler, Religion, Race, and Racism: A (Very) Brief Introduction (2020)
[50] See reference 38, Sharma
[51] Cohn, Colonialism, and its forms of knowledge: The British in India (2020)
[52] ibid
[53]Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak can the Subaltern Speak? (2015) p.77
[54] See reference 51
[55] Balibar, Racism as universalism (1989)
[56] Ibid, p. 17
[57] Desai, What B.R. Ambedkar wrote to W.E.B. Dubois (2017)
[58] W.E.B Dubois Caste: That is the Root of the Trouble, lecture given, cited by Purakayastha AS, “W.E.B Dubois, B.R. Ambedkar and the History of Afro-Dalit Solidarity” (2019) 06 Sanglap: Journal of Literary and Cultural Inquiry 20
[59] See reference 55, Balibar p 20
[60] United Nations, International convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination (1965)

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