Foreword: This paper does not advocate for violence against any person. This paper does however, advocate for defence to the right of life, of all; to allow the oppressed to break the chains of control. The consequences for the allowance of the status quo is to allow three Dalit women to be raped daily (Yengde, p.16, 2020). The continuation of the status quo is the assault of two Dalits, the murder of two Dalits, and the torching of two Dalit homes, every hour (ibid). Silence is complicity, we must now answer the Brahmin problem.

Kill the Brahmin, Save the Hindu:
A Contemporary Synthesis to the Annihilation of Caste by Dr. Ambedkar

The priestly class must be brought under control by some such legislation as I have outlined above. This will prevent it from doing mischief and from misguiding people. It will democratise it by throwing it open to everyone. It will certainly help to kill Brahminism and will also help to kill caste, which is nothing but Brahminism incarnate. Brahminism is the poison which has spoiled Hinduism. You will succeed in saving Hinduism if you will kill Brahminism. There should be no opposition to this reform from any quarter. It should be welcomed even by the Arya Samajists, because this is merely an application of their own doctrine of guna-karma.
B.R. Ambedkar (Annihilation of Caste, 23.4, p 130)

The death of the Brahmin will create the birth of the Hindu. As the gateways to redemption, the Brahmin’s ritual requirements for material appeasement and incantation of hymns monopolises the (methodological) control of the public, private, and the cosmological realms; via the ordering of the astral, the physical is defined, with the ‘political’ being just a sordid representation of such. The immutability of caste hierarchy “is the worst evil of this code of ordinances” as “the laws it contains must be the same yesterday, today, and forever” (23.5); this monopoly on the totality of space (via Brahmins’) ensures the ‘backwardness’ of the Indian sub-continent, not only in the scheduling of castes, but also in rational dialectical progression.
The current state of political affairs in India is not simply the politics of ‘Hindu’-stan; taking an Ambedkarian approach, one can state, the mechanisms for the current state of political affairs (of India) is a reflection of ‘Brahmin’-stan. With the Punjab in quazi-revolt, Kashmir in state of political siege, and Musjids demolished to bring forth temples, the question of the Brahmin problem, is reaching towards a zenith of political destitution. The equalization of the Punjabi (farmers) as terrorist, bring back the memories of operation Blue Star (1984); for the survivors of that genocide, the backdrop is reminiscent of the atmosphere after the assassination of Indra Gandhi.

The sustentation of democratization of Hindustan rests solely on the eradication of the Brahminic plague of nepotism. For India to become a civic nation based upon the rule of common law, the tantamount variable to be picketed is Brahminism.
To put it in plain language, what the Hindus call religion is really law, or at best legalised class-ethics. Frankly I refuse to call this code of ordinances as religion (…) Under it, there is no loyalty to ideal; there is only conformity to commands (23.4).
The command of the ‘religion’ belongs to the pundits, of whom not only control the ritual to the divine, but the very construction of the material (and political). In true nihilism, the pundit sings ‘the prosperity gospel’ to the tune of human suffering, for the suffering matters not to him as his gods have ordained such to be bestowed upon the ‘broken’.

The Brahminic chokehold upon merit leaves no room for socio-economic mobility; in taking a Socratic understanding of merit, the nepotic ordering of society ensures the failure of democratic political/social structures. In the promotion of like castes to prominent positions of ordinance, the notion of merit is dissolved, ensuring the stagnation and/or degradation of Indian supra-structures. The classification of the Indian Political Thought paradigm into democracy is false as evident by theocratic structures of rule. As stated previously (by the late Dr. Ambedkar) Hinduism could not be understood as a religion, but much rather as dogmatic class-ordinances; thereby, the term theocracy is not the appropriate, but rather the term technocracy is befitting to this system of ‘governance’. As long as the Brahmins retain control of the techniques of salvation, Indian society will forever remain in suspension of a backwards state. For Hinduism to become a religion, the Brahmin class must be eliminated. For India to become a democracy, the Brahmin (class) must be killed. The dialectical progression of democratic philosophy can never breach through barriers of cosmic disenfranchisement. To liberate the Dalits of India, one has to liberate the gods from the pundits.

“I think these remarks apply equally to the Brahmins of India, and one can say with equal truth that if a man who becomes a Pope has no wish to become a revolutionary, a man who is born a Brahmin has much less desire to become a revolutionary” (21.9).

The caste system is a cancerous growth which swamps into the very oxygen of India. It has infected the diaspora; it has infected the Sikhs with parasites. The Jatts broadcast their superiority into the very airwaves of Bhangra music, dancing to the Dhol of the Chamars suffering. This begs the question, who then will lead the revolution? To ask a Brahmin to lead this revolution is akin to ask the Brahmin to kill himself. The intellectual class is the Brahmin, the diaspora is the Jatt, the Dalit is left broken, scattered, still not allowed to even cross the shadow of those who call themselves, superior.
The words of Morris ring true today as when issued by Dr. Ambedkar, “The great treading down the little, the strong beating down the weak, cruel men fearing not, kind men daring not and wise men caring not” (11.4). The elimination of technocratic rule of the Brahmin rests upon the enslaved gaining access to weapons of liberation, access to the techniques of salvation, access to the supra-infrastructure of existence. For in accession to such a state, the Dalit not only saves him/herself, but India as well.

Works Cited

B. R. Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste: the annotated critical edition (New Delhi:
Navayana, 2014), chapter 4: ‘Annihilation of Caste: An Undelivered Speech, 1936’.
Suraj Yengde, Caste Matters (Gurgaon: Penguin, 2019)